We have no model, no matrices for this tracing or for this writing. We even think that the novel or the unheard of can no longer come about. But perhaps it is precisely when all signs are missing that the unheard of becomes again not only possible but, in a sense, certain. Here is the historicity of our history and the oncoming of the suspended meaning of the old word ‘communism’.1
Being-in-Common
We have now arrived at what seems an impasse. To develop a practice and theory of contemporary art that is truly counterhegemonic requires thinking within and without modern epistemology -- an impossible task.
In light of this impossibility, we will examine some potential routes as they have been recently been articulated in political philosophy: Jean-Luc Nancy's notion of being-in common, Judith Butler's notion of precariousness and precarity, and Franco "Bifo" Berardi's notion of schismogenesis. However, to understand what we are up against, we should first begin with a discussion of the structure and techniques of hegemonic politics. A discourse which effectively negotiates equivalence and difference to establish definite meanings which sustain both hegemonic discourse and the subjects it interpellates. Gibson and Graham use the ideas of Laclau and Mouffe, who believe that this can be understood in terms of condensation and displacement:
‘Condensation’ is a kind of conflation that fuses a variety of significations and meanings into a single unity, thereby concentrating meaning by eliminating difference. ‘Displacement’ extends and transfers the signification of meaning of one particular moment to another moment, producing contiguity and equivalence between what had been quite different meanings.
This understanding allows us to recognize how a particular discourse of political economy has become hegemonic (naturalized, real) and how alternate understandings are treated by hegemonic discourse. This is a politics that fixes meaning and closes the potentially infinite processes of signification within language. The illusory positivity of ‘capitalist society’ is only reinforced by the disappearance of capitalism’s ‘other’ - communism. This ‘specter’ must be treated carefully, for although it is a topic that many would claim has no purchase in this ‘post-communist’ era, Gibson and Graham demonstrate how Jean-Luc Nancy argues the contrary:
...the fascination with communism as an idea, as phantasm, as project or as institution has shaped (and continues to shape) history in our time. Far from simply being a word voided of all substance by Sovietism, communism is also the index of a task of thought still and increasingly open. It is a task of thought that returns us to the common basis or ground of the ‘individual’, encapsulating the quintessentially ethical concern at the heart of ‘society’ --the question of how to live together.
Thus, ‘communism’, beyond its traditional political signification, represents a desire on the part of humanity which demands reexamination. In this sense, the idea of being-together needs to not only be thought of in terms of political action, but also as a philosophical problem:
In The Inoperative Community, Nancy is eager to avoid the sense of community that is built on already constituted subjects who are brought together in a constructed oneness. He argues that the ‘failure of communal models is [...] linked to their embrace of human immanence, that is, of totality, self-consciousness, self-presence’. He wants to revive a notion of community as ‘neither a community of subjects, nor a promise of immanence, nor a communion of individuals in some higher or greater totality (a State, a Nation, a People). For Nancy, there is no common substance, no identity, ‘no common being, but there is being in common’. The association of community with a being that is already known precludes the becoming of new and as-yet unthought ways of being.
Precarization as Political-Cultural Queering
In Isabell Lorey’s essay Becoming Common: Precarization as Political Constituting, she builds upon Judith Butler’s conception of ontological precariousness and political precarity, to reframe this social insecurity as potential productivity. For Butler, precariousness is understood as the vulnerability of the body, the radical replaceability of every life, and thus becomes that which distinguishes life in general. This vulnerability is an extension of birth insofar as initial survival already depends on social networks and labor (such as a dependence on other people, institutions, sustainable environments, etc). Lorey says, “An ‘ontology of individualism’ is not capable of recognizing the precariousness of life.” The conditions that enable life are the very same that make it precarious, and thus it becomes important to locate those political and social instances where some lives are protected and others are not. This sets up the conditions for Butler’s notion of precarity, a condition of existence defined by social and material insecurity affecting material and psychological welfare. This may be understood in terms of the large portions of the population becoming increasingly affected by underemployment, low income, and blackmailability. For Butler, although this extends to a global scale, precarity should not be understood as determinate. Lorey quotes Butler saying that precarity:
...is at once a material and a perceptual issue, since those whose lives are not “regarded” as potentially grievable, and hence valuable, are made to bear the burden of starvation, underemployment, legal disenfranchisement, and differential exposure to violence and death.
However for Lorey, it is also a potentially productive discourse, “as an instrument of governance and a condition of economic exploitation, and also as a productive, always incalculable, and potentially empowering subjectification.” Precarity opens a space in which multiple counterhegemonic discourses might find commonality, allowing identity politics to be put to one side and begin a process of common political empowerment. This ties back to Jean-luc Nancy’s concept of ‘being-in-common’, and perhaps it would be theoretically/politically advantageous to think of precarity and being-in-common as complementary. In this sense, productive precarity might be a first step towards opening a discursive space in which we might begin to understand a being-in-common.
An Excerpt from Skizo-Mails
In Franco “Bifo” Berardi’s book Skizo-Mails (a collection of essays which he wrote on Facebook, Google Mail, and Th-rough.eu from 2009 ), his last entry entitled ‘Check (mate?)’ articulates a sobering analysis of the current state of politics in Europe and the United States:
In chess, you declare checkmate when, according to the rules, the king of one of the players can’t make another move. The game of chess is a finite game, in the sense that if we want to play this game, we must respect the rules. If we break the rules, we are no longer playing this game. Love, life, history, however, are not finite games, in the sense that there is no rule that would prevent us from breaking the rules.
If we want to continue playing according to the rules of politics, we can be certain that we will have lost. Democracy does not exist any more, the political power of workers has been destroyed by precarization and the infinite range of the labor market, ignorance prevails over knowledge because education is buried by media disinformation while the complexity of the world extends to infinity, rendering the traditional instruments of government useless. And finally, the negative feedback that made an alleviation of the catastrophic effects of social upheaval possible has been substituted by a form of positive feedback as when a crazed thermostat increases the flame of a hot-water heater. When the right wins the elections, it will destroy the schools, and the destruction of the schools will enable the right to win the next elections.
The modern game of politics is finished. The automatons have won, humanity has lost: checkmate. We don’t know if this will lead to the final holocaust, provoked by a war of everybody against everybody, or by the powers of nature running wild, or of a prolonged phase of barbarism, in any case, we can no longer do anything about it. What we can do, however, is break the rules, leave the game, refusing to participate in political competition to build seceding communities which can perhaps proliferate, generating ways of existence and spreading technologies, if any space on the planet will escape the fate of Fukushima.
Tragic is that form of imagination that recognizes in the human being the impossibility of opposing the superior power of the forces of nature, or of feeling, or of history. We must recognize the tragic character of the effects that financial dictatorship has produced on the planet if we want to begin to perform the only gesture that can perhaps reveal itself to be redeeming. The gesture of physically and symbolically abandoning the territory devastated by capital, to rebuild social solidarity beginning with seceding, proliferating, schismogenetic communities. Modern civilization is finished and a predatory dynamic that is only partially identifiable in groups and social persons (the virtual-financial class) is destroying its legacy. There is no way any more to stop this process, or the violence that it entails. Fighting, acting collectively can’t stop this process, but it’s not useless, because it serves to accumulate the schismogenetic energy somewhere (in places that aren’t necessarily geographical), which if the world remains inhabitable, will create the conditions for post-apocalyptic communism.
Berardi’s words appear bleak, perhaps some would argue even nihilistic -- yet we can also say that recognizing this tragedy and failure on the part of contemporary leftist political movements becomes itself a form of liberatory politics. The recognition that we are already situated within the collapse of a civilization becomes a discursive starting point that might offer itself as a space for radical reimagining.
1. [Nancy, Jean-Luc. “La Comparution /The Compearance: From the Existence of ‘Communism’ to the Community of ‘Existence’.” Political Theory 20.3 1992. Web.]↩













